2015

INTERNATIONAL-CRIMINAL-COURT-BiafraBiafrans and friends of Biafra. As you all can see, we are in a very precarious stage in the quest for the restoration of our dear homeland; Biafra. In the light of these intentional harassment, detentions, maiming, shootings, abductions and above all, killings of Biafrans and friends of Biafra by the state of Nigeria. It is therefore pertinent that should anyone or group of Biafrans and their allies encounter any form of inhumane treatment by the Nigerian security agencies should not hesitate to reports these. Evidences like pictures, videos, recordings even witnesses of such deplorable molestation by the Nigerian government security agencies are needed for prosecution of the state of Nigeria for the abuse of our human rights.

Kindly send these evidences, name, contact details and the location of the incidence to this email: (report@ipob.org). Be rest assured that your data is secured and protected and will not be shared with any third party. We The Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) with Radio Biafra London (RBL) have filed a lawsuit against the state of Nigeria at the International Criminal Court in the Hague for the abduction, torture and refusal to unconditionally release the worldwide leader of The Indigenous People of Biafra (Nnamdi Kanu) and one Governor Obiano of Anambra state for the order of shooting and killing of our men and woman in Onitsha during a peaceful and law-abiding rally.
We are looking forward to receiving your reports accordingly. email: (report@ipob.org).
INTERNATIONAL-CRIMINAL-COURT-Biafra
Breaking News: The Indigenous People of Biafra filed a lawsuit against Nigeria and Buhari at International Criminal Court


The Indigenous People of Biafra have retained lawyer Prof. Dr. Göran Sluiter to file a complaint against Nigerian President Buhari before the International Criminal Court.
The indigenous people of Biafra have retained Dutch lawyer, Prof. Dr. Göran Sluiter. He has been instructed to file a criminal complaint against Nigerian President Buhari before the International Criminal Court (ICC), on account of crimes against humanity.
The people of Biafra, living in the South of Nigeria, have been trying to exercise their right to self-determination for decades now. They have been systematically oppressed by the Nigerian government and have suffered serious human rights violations, amounting to crimes against humanity. With the election of new Nigerian President Buhari, violence and crimes committed against the people of Biafra have intensified. This is exemplified by the recent unlawful arrest and detention of Biafra’s leader, mr. Nnamdi  Kanu, since 14 October 2015.
Prof. Dr. Sluiter is convinced that there is more than enough evidence to have the ICC Prosecutor conclude that the people of Biafra are the victim of crimes within the jurisdiction of the ICC and that President Buhari plays an essential role in these crimes. He also points out that the situation in Nigeria –including other crimes committed by Buhari, namely the electoral violence of 2011- has been under preliminary examination of the ICC for some time now and that the moment has come for the Prosecutor of the ICC to launch a full criminal investigation.
The criminal complaint will be finalized on short notice and will –in the interests of justice and transparency- be made available to the public.

Good people of the world, is it a crime to want freedom from suffocation, marginalization, terrorism, and genocide? We think it not.
Pursuant to the United Nations declarations on Universal Human Rights, and Rights of Indigenous Peoples, we, the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), hereby put the world on notice (Red Alert) about our Impending “Biafra Millions March” on Friday November 6, 2015, in solidarity for 3 things:
1. To free the leader of Indigenous People of Biafra and other Biafrans arbitrarily hounded and held captive by Buhari’s security operatives; and
2. For the unconditional, nonnegotiable, and irreducible restoration of Biafra’s independence.
3. To mourn the more than 4 million Biafrans murdered by British-Nigeria for no other reason but because they are Biafrans.
This “Red Alert” is necessary because while having a rally on August 30, 2015, the traitorous Governor of Anambra State, Willie Obiano working in collusion with the Islamist genocidist president of British-Nigeria, Muhammadu Buhari, unleashed the Navy, not to intercept sea pirates, but, to inner city of Onitsha where they mounted road blocks, and opened fire without provocation on a crowd of about 200 Biafrans who were peaceably marching and distributing educational pamphlets for the restoration of Biafra.
As a result, two Biafrans, Maduka Obasi and Ebuka Nnolum were killed and many others hospitalized with gunshot injuries. Curiously, neither Governor Obiano, nor President Buhari has commented on this egregious abuse of civil rights in brazen violation of the United Nation’s Declarations on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and Human Rights.
We wish to alert the world that Since Buhari returned to power, extrajudicial killings, kidnappings, maiming, and harassments of IPOB members has been the daily order. Also, arbitrary incarceration of Biafrans suspected to be gathering under the banner of IPOB or listening to RadioBiafra.co, or even wearing head phones has been ongoing unabated, at the pleasure and acquiescence of Britain.
But, we refuse to be intimidated and shall continue to agitate for our legitimate rights. We will unapologetically assert our basic rights to life, self-defense, Self-determination, freedom of association, and expression.
The Biafra Millions March therefore is to peaceably demonstrate to the world that we totally reject the terrorism and tyranny of Britain, and her terrorist haven called British-Nigeria. To be clear, we wholly and completely reject the progressive genocide of Biafrans for the sake of British economic and racist interests. Our resolve is final, and nonnegotiable.
British-Nigeria security thugs will, as usual, try to unleash mayhem on Biafrans marching peaceably; or foment trouble to hijack the narrative with intent to intimidate Biafrans, and then unleash propaganda and lies. We shall, if needs be, defend our lives as we embark on our non-violent Millions March.
Finally, we invite civilized media and governments of the world to come and bear witness of British-Nigerian Police, Navy, and Army, and Airforce’s barbarism, rampage, reign of terror, and abuse of human rights. Witness the silence of benefactor in chief, Britain. Witness Boko Haram in security uniforms. You are hereby invited. Please come one, come all, and bring your cameras and news crews.
Thank you
Indigenous People of Biafra




From June through October 1966, pogroms in the North killed tens of thousands of Igbos and caused millions to flee to the Eastern Region. 29 September 1966, was considered the worst day.

Ethnomusicologist Charles Keil, who was visiting Nigeria in 1966, recounted:

The pogroms I witnessed in Makurdi, Nigeria (late Sept. 1966) were foreshadowed by months of intensive anti-Ibo and anti-Eastern conversations among Tiv, Idoma, Hausa and other Northerners resident in Makurdi, and, fitting a pattern replicated in city after city, the massacres were led by the Nigerian army. Before, during and after the slaughter, Col. Gowan could be heard over the radio issuing 'guarantees of safety' to all Easterners, all citizens of Nigeria, but the intent of the soldiers, the only power that counts in Nigeria now or then, was painfully clear. After counting the disemboweled bodies along the Makurdi road I was escorted back to the city by soldiers who apologized for the stench and explained politely that they were doing me and the world a great favor by eliminating Ibos.

The Federal Military Government also laid the groundwork for the blockade of the Eastern Region which would go into full effect in 1967.

Breakaway

On 27 May 1967, Gowon proclaimed the division of Nigeria into twelve states. This decree carved the Eastern Region in three parts: South Eastern State, Rivers State, and East Central State. Now the Igbos, concentrated in the East Central State, would lose control over most of the petroleum, located in the other two areas.

On 30 May 1967, Ojukwu declared independence of the Republic of Biafra.

The Federal Military Government immediately placed an embargo on all shipping to and from Biafra—but not on oil tankers. Biafra quickly moved to collect oil royalties from oil companies doing business within its borders. When Shell-BP acquiesced to this request at the end of June, the Federal Government extended its blockade to include oil. The blockade, which most foreign actors accepted, played a decisive role in putting Biafra at a disadvantage from the beginning of the war.

Although the very young nation had a chronic shortage of weapons to go to war, it was determined to defend itself. Although there was much sympathy in Europe and elsewhere, only five countries (Tanzania, Gabon, Côte d'Ivoire, Zambia and Haiti) officially recognised the new republic. Britain supplied amounts of heavy weapons and ammunition to the Nigerian side because of its desire to preserve the country it created. The Biafra side on the other hand found it difficult to purchase arms as the countries who supported it did not provide arms and ammunition. The heavy supply of weapons by Britain was the biggest factor in determining the outcome of the war.

Several peace accords, especially the one held at Aburi, Ghana (the Aburi Accord), collapsed and the shooting war soon followed. Ojukwu managed at Aburi to get agreement to a confederation for Nigeria, rather than a federation. He was warned by his advisers that this reflected a failure of Gowon to understand the difference and, that being the case, predicted that it would be reneged upon. When this happened, Ojukwu regarded it as both a failure by Gowon to keep to the spirit of the Aburi agreement, and lack of integrity on the side of the Nigerian Military Government in the negotiations toward a united Nigeria. Gowon's advisers, to the contrary, felt that he had enacted as much as was politically feasible in fulfillment of the spirit of Aburi. The Eastern Region was very ill equipped for war, outmanned and outgunned by the Nigerians. Their advantages included fighting in their homeland, support of most Easterners, determination, and use of limited resources.

The UK-which still maintained the highest level of influence over Nigeria's highly valued oil industry through Shell-BP-[61] and the Soviet Union supported (especially militarily) the Nigerian government.

War

Shortly after extending its blockade to include oil, the Nigerian government launched a "police action" to retake the secessionist territory.[62] The war began on 6 July 1967 when Nigerian Federal troops advanced in two columns into Biafra. The Nigerian Army offensive was through the north of Biafra led by Colonel Mohammed Shuwa and the local military units were formed as the 1st Infantry Division. The division was led mostly by northern officers. After facing unexpectedly fierce resistance and high casualties, the right-hand Nigerian column advanced on the town of Nsukka which fell on 14 July, while the left-hand column made for Garkem, which was captured on 12 July. At this stage of the war, the other regions of Nigeria (the West and Mid-West) still considered the war as a confrontation between the north (mainly Hausas) against the east (mainly Igbos).

Biafran offensive

The Biafrans responded with an offensive of their own when, on 9 August, the Biafran forces moved west into the Mid-Western Nigerian region across the Niger river, passing through Benin City, until they were stopped at Ore (in present day Ondo State) just over the state boundary on 21 August, just 130 miles east of the Nigerian capital of Lagos. The Biafran attack was led by Lt. Col. Banjo, a Yoruba, with the Biafran rank of brigadier. The attack met little resistance and the Mid-West was easily taken over.

Flag of the Republic of Benin.
This was due to the pre-secession arrangement that all soldiers should return to their regions to stop the spate of killings, in which Igbo soldiers had been major victims. The Nigerian soldiers that were supposed to defend the Mid-West state were mostly Mid-West Igbo and while some were in touch with their eastern counterparts, others resisted. General Gowon responded by asking Colonel Murtala Mohammed (who later became head of state in 1975) to form another division (the 2nd Infantry Division) to expel the Biafrans from the Mid-West, as well as defend the West side and attack Biafra from the West as well. As Nigerian forces retook the Mid-West, the Biafran military administrator declared the Republic of Benin on 19 September, though it ceased to exist the next day. (The present country of Benin, west of Nigeria, was still named Dahomey at that time.)

Although Benin City was retaken by the Nigerians on 22 September, the Biafrans succeeded in their primary objective by tying down as many Nigerian Federal troops as they could. Gen. Gowon also launched an offensive into Biafra south from the Niger Delta to the riverine area using the bulk of the Lagos Garrison command under Colonel Benjamin Adekunle (called the Black Scorpion) to form the 3rd Infantry Division (which was later renamed as the 3rd Marine Commando). As the war continued, the Nigerian Army recruited amongst a wider area, including the Yoruba, Itshekiri, Urhobo, Edo, Ijaw, etc.

Nigerian offensive

Four battalions of the Nigerian 2nd Infantry Division were needed to drive the Biafrans back and eliminate their territorial gains made during the offensive. Nigerian soldiers under Murtala Mohammed carried out a mass killing of 700 civilians when they captured Asaba on the River Niger. The Nigerians were repulsed three times as they attempted to cross the River Niger during October, resulting in the loss of thousands of troops, dozens of tanks and equipment. The first attempt by the 2nd Infantry Division on 12 October to cross the Niger from the town of Asaba to the Biafran city of Onitsha cost the Nigerian Federal Army over 5,000 soldiers killed, wounded, captured or missing. Operation Tiger Claw (17–20 October 1967) was a military conflict between Nigerian and Biafran military forces. On 17 October 1967 Nigerians invaded Calabar led by the "Black Scorpion", Benjamin Adekunle while the Biafrans were led by Col. Ogbu Ogi, who was responsible for controlling the area between Calabar and Opobo, and Lynn Garrison a foreign mercenary. The Biafrans came under immediate fire from the water and the air. For the next two days Biafran stations and military supplies were bombarded by the Nigerian air force. That same day Lynn Garrison reached Calabar but came under immediate fire by federal troops. By 20 October, Garrison's forces withdrew from the battle while Col. Ogi officially surrendered to Gen. Adekunle.

Control over oil production

Control over petroleum in the Biafra land was a paramount military objective during the war.
Towards the end of July 1967 Nigeria captured Bonny Island in the Biafra land, thereby taking control of vital Shell-BP facilities. Operations began again in May 1968, when Nigeria captured Port Harcourt. Its facilities had been damaged and needed repair. Production and export continued at a lower level. The completion in 1969 of a new terminal at Forçados brought production up from 142,000 barrels/day in 1958 to 540,000 barrels/day in 1969. In 1970, this figure doubled to 1,080,000 barrels/day. The royalties enabled Nigeria to buy more weapons, hire mercenaries, etc. Biafra proved unable to compete on this economic level.

THE LEADER OF THE INDIGENOUS PEOPLE OF BIAFRA/DIRECTOR UNLAWFUL ARRESTED AND DETAINED BY NIGERIA GOV:
By Ibeh Gift Amarachi
(For Family Writers)

The Unlawful arrest and detaining of the Leader of the Indigenous People Of Biafra and Director of Radio Biafra/Biafra Television MAZI NNAMDI KANU, by the Nigeria Islamic Department Of State Services (DSS) at the order of the terrorist President of Nigeria Mohammadu Buhari,is an arrest on the Freedom of the Indigenous People and Violation of the Human Rights of Biafrans. The leader of The Indigenous People Of Biafra was unlawfully arrested by the Nigeria Islamic Department Of State Services in his Hotel Room at GOLDEN TULIP ESSENTIAL AIRPORT HOTEL,42/44 MURTALA MUHAMMED INTERNATIONAL AIRPORT ROAD,IKEJA LAGOS.  Mazi NNAMDI KANU is a BIAFRAN FREEDOM FIGHTER agitating for his freedom and the freedom of Biafrans who are unabatedly undergoing Mayhem, Terror and Death in the contraption of the Islamic Government of Nigeria. He is a Law abiding Freedom Fighter who has no trace of Criminal or Terrorist record, thus has not be accounted for any Crime. Biafrans were forced into the concoction and contraption called Nigeria by a British resource exploiter called Frederick Lugard in 1914 who in his statement said; "NIGERIA AND BIAFRA ARE OIL AND WATER THAT CAN NOT BE MIXED AND CAN SEPARATE AFTER HUNDRED YEARS OF THIS UNION".

From the amalgamation of this concoction and unholy union in 1914 upon till today, Biafrans have been subjugated and subjected to Servitude, Poverty, Mayhem and Unlawful Killings by the Islamic Government of Nigeria. Over Six Million Biafrans were killed during the Nigeria-Biafra Genocidal War in 1967-1970, when Biafrans seek for Freedom and declared the Independence of Biafra. The Unlawful arrest of the Indigenous People Of Biafra is intended to stop the agitation for the restoration of Biafra and as well expose the un quenching quest of Nigeria Islamic Government to stop the Freedom of speech of Biafrans as the Truth is been exposed daily via Radio Biafra/Biafra Television. This unlawful arrest is an infringement of Human Right and a Violation of The United Nations Declaration on the Rights of the INDIGENOUS PEOPLES adopted by the United Nations on September 13, 2007 which constitute the dignity and well-being of the indigenous peoples of the World. ARTICLE 3 of the United Nations Declaration of Rights Of The Indigenous Peoples(UNDRIP'S) of the 46 articles recognizes the Indigenous People's Right to self-determination, which includes the right to "FREELY DETERMINE THEIR POLITICAL STATUS AND FREELY PURSUE THEIR ECONOMIC,SOCIAL AND CULTURAL DEVELOPMENT". ARTICLE 4 affirms Indigenous Peoples Right "TO AUTONOMY OR SELF-GOVERNMENT IN MATTERS RELATING TO THEIR INTERNAL AND LOCAL AFFAIRS". ARTICLE 26 states that "INDIGENOUS PEOPLES HAVE THE RIGHT TO THE LANDS, TERRITORIES AND RESOURCES WHICH THEY HAVE TRADITIONALY OWNED, OCCUPIED OR OTHERWISE USED OR ACQUIRED".

This commands every State including Nigeria, to legally give recognition of Biafra as a Nation. The International Magna Carta for all mankind adopted by the United Nations states that "DISREGARD AND CONTEMPT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS HAVE RESULTED IN BABAROUS ACTS WHICH HAVE OUTRAGED THE CONCIENCE OF MANKIND AND THE ADVENT OF A WORLD IN WHICH HUMAN BEINGS SHALL ENJOY FREEDOM OF SPEECH AND BELIEF AND FREEDOM FROM FEAR HAS BEEN PROCLAIMED AS THE HIGHEST ASPIRATION OF THE COMMON PEOPLE". The hypocritical and terrorist President of Nigeria Mohammadu Buhari in his United Nations Speech stated that; "THE WORLD DO NOT HAVE THE MORAL RIGHT TO DENY ANY PEOPLE THEIR FREEDOM OR CONDEMN THEM INDEFINITELY TO OCCUPATION AND BLOCKADE. INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY HAS NO EXCUSE TO CONTINUE TO DELAY IMPLEMENTATION OF UN RESOLUTION ON SELF-DETERMINATION FOR PALESTINIAN PEOPLE". This same hypocritical President of the contraption called Nigeria who pretended to be agitating for the freedom of Palestinians,has unabatedly unleash Mayhem,Terror and Violation of the Human Rights of Biafrans and as well ordered for the unlawful arrest of Biafra Leader. The Unlawful arrest of Mazi Nnamdi Kanu might result to another Genocidal experience in Nigeria,as Biafrans will not condole this unlawful arrest and subjugation of their leader. Biafrans therefore,call on the World to let Justice prevail.



To be delivered to Benjamin Netanyahu, Israeli Prime-Minister, David Cameron, British Prime Minister, Angela Marcel, German Chancellor, Francois Hollande, President of France, Vladmir Putin, President of Russia, Joseph Kabila, President of Congo, Xi Jinping, President of China, Ban Ki-Moon, United Nations Secretary General, Pat Robbinson, Chairman of CBN, Franklin Graham, President and CEO of BGEA and Samaritan's Purse, John Hagee, CEO of GETV, John Hagee Ministeries, and Chairman of Christians United for Israel, Mathew Crouch, Chairman, Trinity Broadcasting Network, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, Society for Threatened People, Kenneth Juster, Chairman, CEO of Freedom House, Senator Patrick Leahy, United States Senate, Senator Dan Coats, United States Senate, Dr. Benjamin Carson, Presidential Candidate, CEO of Carson America Inc, Donald Trump, Presidential Candidate, CEO of Donald J. Trump for President Inc, Governor Mike Pence, The United States House of Representatives, The United States Senate, and President Barack Obama

Stop Crimes against humanity by Muhammadu Buhari. Stop the violation of International Treaties against "Torture" and "Enforced Disappearance." Stop criminally abducting and torturing the beleaguered people of Biafra who are 100% Christian for wanting Independence from the Islamic State of British-Nigeria. Prevent a brewing human disaster in British-Nigeria. Free Nnamdi Kanu, the leader of IPOB and Director of Radio Biafra, and other members of IPOB unlawfully abducted and tortured by British-Nigeria now.

PETITION BACKGROUND

The leader of Indigenous People of Biafra, Nnamdi Kanu was kidnapped on October 14, 2015 by the Department of State Services (DSS) in Lagos, British-Nigeria, and currently undergoing Torture. After 4 days, He has still not been charged, allowed visitation, allowed representation, and or any official statements as to the reason his civil rights are violated. 

President Muhammadu Buhari must stop breaking International Treaties against "Torture" and "Enforced Disappearance" which he is under obligation to respect. 

Nnamdi Kanu’s life is under severe threat because he exposes the endemic corruption of British-Nigeria; and the grave dangers that ongoing systemic marginalization and massacring of Biafrans by British-Nigeria Muslims, Islamic terrorists, military and police forces portend for his people via Radio Biafra. His abduction therefore is a slap in the face of United Nations, and all free people. Freedom of speech and association is being assaulted by Buhari in full view of the world. 

Do not be silent. Sign the petition to free Nnamdi Kanu, and hold those who commit crimes against humanity accountable. 


Biblically, it is endorsed as Ecclesiastes 3:1 pointedly expressed that: to everything there is a season - an appointed time for everything. There is a time for every event under heaven. A time to give birth and a time to die; a time to plant and a time to uproot what is planted.… As a result, this year, on the 22nd and 23rd day of September 2015 to be precise, Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) worldwide, by His grace, will perform the most honorable sacrament, the very prominent act of humility before heaven and earth but well pronounced in terms of the “cleansing rite”- the Biafra Atonement of the year.
IPOB as the creation of the Creator will continuously clearly and categorically make reparation or expiation for our misdeeds, visibly known and unknown, committed knowingly and unknowingly, through our actions or inaction, we must atone for all these wrong doings – one-by-one, chapter after chapter but all for a particular purpose and in pursuit of our common goal – to reconcile us with our Creator.
It’s edifying to know that IPOB’s success earned and recorded so far in the struggle for freedom remains compellingly a living credit to the All-Knowing God. And Biafrans all over the World as a people of God – Chukwu Okike Abiama, and specially chosen children of heaven having their value systems anchored not only on the irreducible divinity and divine providence, but whose prospect and progress is largely premised on the solemn respect and reciprocity which is continually maintained through obedience to a divine command - an old standing covenant between us as a people of God on one hand, and the immortally invincible God Himself. As mortals, we are predisposed to imperfection but surely strive for perfection as our Creator is, and remains infinitely perfect. As result, this annual ceremony of confession and atonement for our sins obviously offer us the desired reconciliation of God and humankind. We perform this rite knowingly and well in order to renew our selves, regain our senses and reposition our strategies towards reclaiming our lost glory and liberty. We offer, in its entirety, our supplications to God, while asking for His forgiveness and mercies.
Biafra Atonement affords us yet another opportunity of collective introspection about the Biafra Restoration Project and even a renewal of personal life. As succinctly captured by Brendon Burchard in his book: “THE MOTIVATION MANIFESTO, 9 Declarations to Claim Your Personal Power; There comes a time in the lives of those destined for greatness when we must stand before the mirror of meaning and ask: Why, having been endowed with the courageous heart of a lion, do we live as mice? We must look squarely into our own tired eyes and examine why we waste so much time sniffing at every distraction, why we cower at the thought of revealing our true selves to the world, why we scurry so quickly from conflict, and why we consent to play small. We must ask why we participate so humbly in society’s frantic race, allowing ourselves into its mazes of mediocrity and settling for scraps of reward when nature has offered unlimited freedom, power, and abundance to the bold, the determined, the creative, the independent—to each of us. We must ask if our desires to feel safe and accepted are in fact enslaving us to popular opinion—and to boredom. We must ask: When will we be ready to ascend to another level of existence?
When in the course of human events it becomes necessary to ask such questions and to dissolve the beliefs and behaviors that have limited us, assuming once more the full powers of our being to which God and the laws of nature have entitled us, a decent respect to humankind requires that we should declare the motives that impel us to exert our strength and to separate ourselves from those who stunt our vitality, growth, and happiness.
We must declare our personal power and freedom. We hold these truths self-evident: That all men and women are created equal, though we do not live equal lives due to differences in will, motivation, effort, and habit. That we are endowed by our Creator with certain inalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness, but that it is incumbent upon each of us to be vigilant and
disciplined should we wish to attain such a vital, free, and happy life. We believe the greatest of human powers is the ability to independently think for ourselves, to choose our own aims, affections, and actions. For in the hearts of humankind lives a natural instinct for freedom and independence, a psychological predisposition for self-direction, a biological imperative toward growth, and a spiritual joy in choosing and advancing one’s own life. It is the main motivation of humankind to be free, to express our true selves and pursue our dreams without restriction—to experience what may be called Personal Freedom.
To secure these Rights and this Personal Freedom, men and women of conscience must not consent to be controlled by fear, convention, or the will of the masses. We must govern our own lives, and when our thoughts and actions become destructive it is our responsibility to alter or abolish them and to institute new habits as the foundations for a freer, happier life. We must exert our power, improving how we think and how we interact with the world.
When a long chain of self-oppressions and social controls has reduced our strength and independence, it is our right—our duty—to throw off such a life, rise anew, and charge unencumbered through the gates of greatness. We have patiently suffered long enough, hoping that someone or some kind of luck would one day grant us more opportunity and happiness. But nothing external can save us, and the fateful hour is at hand when we either become trapped at this level of life or we choose to ascend to a higher plane of consciousness and joy. In this ailing and turbulent world, we must find peace within and become more self-reliant in creating the life we deserve. This will be a difficult effort, as the history of our actions too often tells a tale of self-injury and unhappiness, stemming from our blind desire to be judged worthy, acceptable, and lovable by people who hardly know our true hearts and powers. And so we have kept ourselves down: We forgot to set clear intentions and standards, and too often failed to voice our desires and dreams. Randomness and mediocrity too often ruled the day, and the loud and the needy dictated who we were and what we should do—our lives becoming subject to the tyranny of fools. If we can be vulnerable and brave enough to admit such missteps, we might see the potential we left unrealized; we might see a shining new path.
And so let us right our lives. Let us face the mirror and be candid. No matter what we see, let us use these common human truths and personal declarations to reclaim our collective freedom: We are too often lost in the abyss of unawareness. We regularly miss the energy and blessings around us, and the importance of this very moment. It’s as though we prefer to be elsewhere doing something else, as if we are living in distant time zones, hours behind or ahead of the joyous tick and bliss of Now. We have forgotten that the natural foe to life is not a distant death, but a present, in-the-moment detachment from living. Should we wish to be free and alive with full power, we must decide to bring the full might of our conscious mind to the present experience. We must choose to feel again. We must set intentions for who we are, for what roles we wish to serve, for how we’ll relate with the world. Without a vibrant
awareness, we cannot connect with others or ourselves, nor can we meet the demands of the hour with grace. For this, we now declare: WE SHALL MEET LIFE WITH FULL PRESENCE AND POWER.”
All these aspirations as desired are directed toward ennobling Biafrans’ life, lifting it from the sphere of mere physical existence to a higher level of spiritual consciousness, self awakening to our surroundings and leading us individually and collectively towards freedom
Finally, with Biafra Restoration Project in sight or in full swing, we have no choice as a way forward in consolidating our gains than to embrace the opportunity of making this Biafra Atonement an absolutely one compelling, committed and credible ways of mending our connections with our Creator and of course, restoring our dignity, destiny and destination which is made manifest in the sovereign state of Biafra. Join us, in answering to this clarion call to obtain the grace of God as a facilitator and the means to our mission.

The Directorate of State of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) wishes to inform all IPOB family members and the world at large of the horrendous attack on unarmed Biafran/IPOB family members in Onitsha Anambra State by the combined forces of the Nigerian Navy and Police. This unprovoked attack resulted in the death of three (3) Biafran heroes whose death will surely not be in vain. As you read this message eight (8) more injured Biafrans are lying critical at the hospital.
Fellow Biafrans the perpetrators of this murderous act will hear from the Indigenous People of Biafra soon.  Be rest assured CHUKWUOKIKE ABIAMA being our strength and help that not only shall these murderers be brought to justice, we will go the necessary mile to bring justice to them.  
Every Biafran and all IPOB family members in Biafraland and in the Diaspora are requested to remain calm as we work to unravel those behind this atrocious act. 48hours mourning for these brave Biafrans is hereby announced and should kick in immediately.  The Biafran flag wherever they may be should be lowered to half mast and one (1minute) silence should be observed in their honour at every IPOB family gathering. Biafrans are also requested to change their face book profile to the BLACK SUNDAY FOR IPOB picture.

LONG LIVE IPOB
LONG LIVE BIAFRA

Signed
Mazi Uchenna Asiegbu

Head Directorate of State




LET THE WORLD KNOW THAT Buhari's MEN ARE KILLING BIAFRANS IN BIAFRALAND.

Eyewitness
We peacefully evangelising when the fresh attack by police starts releasing bullets on us. We do nothing to them, we never destroy anything , we also control the traffic . What they only did is just open fire on us. This is an evil formed by the president because they don't have any for killing of Biafrans now, We are ready to revenge back most especially the president and his extended must suffer this and also the inspector general of police must prosecuted for this. This call for WAR! WAR! WAR!!! The zoo called Nigeria must fall now. They have done their worst.


We re just getting reports from Onitsha that a team of military and police detachment have attacked unarmed civilians during a peaceful demonstration in Onitsha for the restoration of Biafra .
This happened today after memebers of IPOB had a successful meeting, and decided to have a peaceful rally/evangelism as always before the Nigeria police struck.
According to eye witnesses, 30 people were hit with bullets and 3 have so far confirm dead and




As Ordained By Chiukwu Okike Abiama (God), Biafrans Atone - If My People Who Are Called By My Name Shall Humble Themselves, And Pray, And Seek My Face. And Turn From Their Wicked Way, Then Will I Hear From Heaven, And Will Forgive Their Sins, And Will Heal Their land: 2 Chronicles 7:14
Atonement - In Chriatian Theology, atonement describes how human beings can be reconciled to God. Atonement refers to the forgiving or pardoning of sin to enabling the reconciliation between God and His creation.
In the bible book of Leviticus 17:14, Chiukwu Okike Abiama (God) said thus- “the life of every creature is in its blood. That is why I have said to the people of Israel, ‘You must never eat or drink blood, for the life of any creature is in the blood. ‘So whoever consumes blood will be cut off from the community.
In the years gone past in Biafraland, our forebears committed all sorts of atrocities which ranges from selling of fellow Biafrans as slaves to the Europeans, spilling the blood of fellow Biafrans, Osu caste system etc. These were among other despicable sins committed and abhorred by our Chiukwu Okike (God the Creator), hence He allowed us to suffer in the ugly hands of Hausa-Fulani feudalists.

Notwithstanding these detour, Chiukwu Okike Abiama been so merciful, knowing that His creatures are mere mortals, He set out a remedy (atonement) and commanded His subjects to atone periodically for their sins in order to be worthy to be called His children again and reconciled with Him. In the book of 2 Chronicles 7:14, Chiukwu Okike Abiama said, if my people who are called by my name shall humble themselves, and pray, and seek my face, and turn from their wicked ways; then will I hear from heaven, and will forgive their sin, and will heal their land.

Harnessing from this ample opportunity to reconcile with Chiukwu Okike Abiama, the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) all over the world in conjunction with Radio Biafra shall atone for her sins on Tuesday 22 September 2015 starting at sunrise till Wednesday 23 September 2015 at sunset as practiced every year. Biafrans both home in Biafraland and in the Diaspora are encouraged to observe this days of atonement, and seize the opportunity to ask for forgiveness of sins but more importantly pray for the restoration of Biafra our beautiful home.  


Who sold (what became) Nigeria to the British for £865k in 1899?
Today we will be discussing the first oil war, which was fought in the 19th century, in the area that became Nigeria.
All through the 19th century, palm oil was highly sought-after by the British, for use as an industrial lubricant for machinery. Remember that Britain was the world’s first industrialised nation, so they needed resources such as palm oil to maintain that.
Palm oil of course, is a tropical plant, which is native to the Niger Delta. Malaysia’s dominance came a century later.
By 1870, palm oil had replaced slaves as the main export of the Niger Delta, the area which was once known as the Slave Coast. At first, most of the trade in the oil palm was uncoordinated, with natives selling to those who gave them the best deals. Native chiefs such as former slave, Jaja of Opobo became immensely wealthy because of oil palm. With wealth comes influence.
However, among the Europeans, there was competition for who would get preferential access to the lucrative oil palm trade. In 1879, George Goldie (1846 – 1925, pictured below) formed the United African Company, which was modeled on the former East India Company. Goldie effectively took control of the Lower Niger River. By 1884, his company had 30 trading posts along the Lower Niger. This monopoly gave the British a strong hand against the French and Germans in the 1884 Berlin Conference. The British got the area that the UAC operated in, included in their sphere of influence after the Berlin Conference.
When the Brits got the terms they wanted from other Europeans, they began to deal with the African chiefs. Within two years of 1886, Goldie had signed treaties with tribal chiefs along the Benue and Niger Rivers whilst also penetrating inland. This move inland was against the spirit of verbal agreements that had been made to restrict the organisation’s activities to coastal regions.
By 1886, the company name changed to “The National Africa Company” and was granted a royal charter (incorporated). The charter authorized the company to administer the Niger Delta and all lands around the banks of the Benue and Niger Rivers. Soon after, the company was again renamed. The new name was “Royal Niger Company”, which survives, as Unilever, till this day.
To local chiefs, the Royal Niger Company negotiators had pledged free trade in the region. Behind, they entered private contracts on their terms. Because the (deceitful) private contracts were often written in English and signed by the local chiefs, the British government enforced them. So for example, Jaja of Opobo, when he tried to export palm oil on his own, was forced into exile for “obstructing commerce”. As an aside, Jaja was “forgiven” in 1891 and allowed to return home, but he died on the way back, poisoned with a cup of tea.
Seeing what happened to Jaja, some other native rulers began to look more closely at the deals they were getting from the the Royal Nigeria Company. One of such kingdoms was Nembe, who’s king, Koko Mingi VIII, ascended the throne in 1889 after being a Christian schoolteacher. Koko Mingi VIII, King Koko for short, and like most rulers in the yard, was faced with the Royal Nigeria Company encroachment. He also resented the monopoly enjoyed by the the Royal Nigeria Company, and tried to seek out favourable trading terms, with particularly the Germans in Kamerun.
By 1894 the the Royal Nigeria Company increasingly dictated whom the natives could trade with, and denied them direct access to their former markets.
In late 1894, King Koko renounced Christianity, and tried to form an alliance with Bonny and Okpoma against the the Royal Nigeria Company to take back the trade. This is significant because while Okpoma joined up, Bonny refused. A harbinger of the successful “divide and rule” tactic.
On 29 January 1895, King Koko led an attack on the Royal Niger Company’s headquarters, which was in Akassa in today’s Bayelsa state. The pre-dawn raid had more than a thousand men involved. King Koko’s attack succeeded in capturing the base. Losing 40 of his men, King Koko captured 60 white men as hostages, as well as a lot of goods, ammunition and a Maxim gun. Koko then attempted to negotiate a release of the hostages in exchange for being allowed to chose his trading partners. The British refused to negotiate with Koko, and he had forty of the hostages killed. A British report claimed that the Nembe people ate them. On 20 February 1895, Britain’s Royal Navy, under Admiral Beford attacked Brass, and burned it to the ground. Many Nembe people died and smallpox finished off a lot of others.
By April 1895, business had returned to “normal”, normal being the conditions that the British wanted, and King Koko was on the run. Brass was fined £500 by the British, £26,825 in today’s money, and the looted weapons were returned as well as the surviving prisoners. After a British Parliamentary Commission sat, King Koko was offered terms of settlement by the British, which he rejected and disappeared. The British promptly declared him an outlaw and offered a reward of £200 (£10,730 today) for him. He committed suicide in exile in 1898.
About that time, another “recalcitrant King”, the Oba of Benin, was run out of town. The pacification of the Lower Niger was well and truly under way.
The immediate effect of the Brass Oil War was that public opinion in Britain turned against the the Royal Nigeria Company, so its charter was revoked in 1899. Following the revoking of its charter, the the Royal Niger Company sold its holdings to the British government for £865,000 (£46,407,250 today). That amount, £46,407,250 (NGN12,550,427,783.81 at today’s exchange rate) was effectively the price Britain paid, to buy the territory which was to become known as Nigeria.

* Cheta Nwanze committed to doing a #HistoryClass once a week as a response to Nigeria’s removal of history from its school curriculum. He tweets @Chxta

This is the document from the British People in Cameroon (1968) telling the British government that Biafra needs to be defeated.
Nigerian could not have defeated Biafra. Biafra cannot be defeated. Britain fought and defeated Biafra.
We are wiser now and we know Nigeria has no power. They have not been able to defeat a rag tag imbecilic group like Boko Haram talk less of a developed and civilized Biafra.
"The British, after rigging the 1961 Plebiscite, had continued to lie that the Western Cameroonians hated the Igbos. When war Nigerian civil war broke out, the Cameroonian government supported Nigeria while Western Cameroon supported Biafra. The problem was so much that they were considered as Nigeria's 13th State provided the Igbos are kept very far from them. That was how Bakassi happened.
Did you notice that the idea was to confine the Igbos to the interior "landlocked" and tell those other Igbos outside the land-lock that they are not real Igbos. Well, those in the East coastal area agreed while those across the Niger jumped over to fight with their kith and kin in Biafra.
They have been supervising our local economy since 1970!"

From Wampeters, Foma and Granfalloons, 1979

THERE is a "Kingdom of Biafra" on some old maps which were made by early white explorers of the west coast of Africa. Nobody is now sure what that kingdom was, what its laws and arts and tools were like. No tales survive of the kings and queens.

As for the "Republic of Biafra" we know a great deal. It was a nation with more citizens than Ireland and Norway combined. It proclaimed itself an independent republic on May 30, 1967. On January 17 of 1970, it surrendered unconditionally to Nigeria, the nation from which it had tried to secede. It had few friends in this world, and among its active enemies were Russia and Great Britain. Its enemies were pleased to call it a "tribe."

Some tribe.

The Biafrans were mainly Christians and they spoke English melodiously, and their economy was this one: small-town free enterprise. The worthless Biafran currency was gravely honored to the end.

The tune of Biafra's national anthem was Finlandia, by Jan Sibelius. The equatorial Biafrans admired the arctic Finns because the Finns won and kept their freedom in spite of ghastly odds.

Biafra lost its freedom, of course, and I was in the middle of it as all its fronts were collapsing. I flew in from Gabon on the night of January 3, with bags of corn, beans, and powdered milk, aboard a blacked out DC6 chartered by Caritas, the Roman Catholic relief organization. I flew out six nights later on an empty DC4 chartered by the French Red Cross. It was the last plane to leave Biafra that was not fired upon.

While in Biafra, I saw a play which expressed the spiritual condition of the Biafrans at the end. It was set in ancient times, in the home of a medicine man. The moon had not been seen for many months, and the crops had failed. There was nothing to eat anymore. A sacrifice was made to a goddess of fertility, and the sacrifice was refused. The goddess gave the reason: The people were not sufficiently unselfish and brave.

Before the drama began, the national anthem was played on an ancient marimba. It seems likely that similar marimbas were heard in the court of the Kingdom of Biafra. The black man who played the marimba was naked to the waist. He squatted on the stage. He was a composer. He also held a doctor's degree from the London School of Economics.

Some tribe.

I went to Biafra with another novelist, my old friend Vance Bourjaily, and with Miss Miriam Reik, who would be our guide. She was head of a pro-Biafran committee that had already flown several American writers into Biafra. She would pay our way.

I met her for the first time at Kennedy Airport. We were about to take off for Paris together. It was New Year's Day. I bought her a drink, though she protested that her committee should pay, and I learned that she had a doctor's degree in English literature. She was also a pianist and a daughter of Theodor Reik, the famous psychoanalyst.

Her father had died three days before.

I told Miriam how sorry I was about her father, said how much I'd liked the one book of his I had read, which was Listening with the Third Ear.

He was a gentle Jew, who got out of Austria while the getting was good. Another well-known book of his was Masochism in Modern Man.

And I asked her to tell me more about her committee, whose beneficiary I was, and she confessed that she was it: It was a committee of one. She is a tall, good-looking woman, by the way, thirty-two years old. She said she founded her own committee because she grew sick of other American organizations that were helping Biafra. Those organizations teemed with people 'who were kinky with guilt', she said. They were trying to dump some of that guilt by being maudlinly charitable. As for herself; she said, it was the greatness of the Biafran people, not their pitifulness that turned her on.

She hoped the Biafrans would get more weapons from somebody, the very latest in killing machines. She was going into Biafra for the third time in a year. She wasn't afraid of anything. Some committee.

I admire Miriam, though I am not grateful for the trip she gave me. It was like a free trip to Auschwitz when the ovens were still going full blast. I now feel lousy all the time.

I will follow Miriam's example as best I can. My main aim will not be to move readers to voluptuous tears with tales about innocent black children dying like flies, about rape and looting and murder and all that. I will tell instead about an admirable nation that lived for less than three years.

De mortuis nil nisi bonum. Say nothing but good of the dead.

Kurt Vonnegut
I asked a Biafran how long his nation had existed so far, and he replied, "Three Christmases, and a little bit more." He wasn't a hungry baby. He was a hungry man. He was a living skeleton, but he walked like a man.

Miriam Reik and I picked up Vance Bouijaily in Paris, and we flew down to Gabon and then into Biafra. The only way to get into Biafra was at night by air. There were only eight passenger seats at the rear of the cabin. The rest of the cabin was heaped with bags of food. The food was from America.

We flew over water, there were Russian trawlers below. They were monitoring every plane that came into Biafra. The Russians were helpful in a lot of ways: They gave the Nigerians Ilyushin bombers and MIGs and heavy artillery. And the British gave the Nigerians artillery too and advisers, and tanks and armored cars, and machine guns and mortars and all that, and endless ammunition.

America was neutral.

When we got close to the one remaining Biafran airport, which was a stretch of highway, its lights came on. It was a secret. Its lights resembled two rows of glowworms. The moment our wheels touched the runway, the runway lights went out and our plane's headlights came on. Our plane slowed down, pulled off the runway, killed its lights, and then everything was pitch black again. There were only two white faces in the crowd around our plane. One was a Holy Ghost Father. The other was a doctor from the French Red Cross. The doctor ran a hospital for the children who were suffering from kwashiorkor, the pitiful children who had no protein.

Father.

Doctor.

As I write, Nigeria has arrested all the Holy Ghost Fathers, who stayed to the end with their people in Biafra.

The priests were mostly Irishmen. They were beloved. Whenever they built a church, they also built a school. Children and simple men and women thought all white men were priests, so they would often beam at Vance or me and say, "Hello, Father." The Fathers are now being deported forever. Their crime: compassion in time of war. We were taken to the Frenchman's hospital the next morning, in a chauffeur-driven Peugeot. The name of the village itself sounded like the wail of a child: AwoOmama.

I said to an educated Biafran, "Americans may not know much about Biafra, but they know about the children."' We're grateful," he replied, "but I wish they knew more than that. They think we're a dying nation. We aren't. We're an energetic, modern nation that is being born! We have doctors. We have hospitals. We have public-health programs. If we have so much sickness, it is because our enemies have designed every diplomatic and military move with one end in mind — that we starve to death."

About kwashiorkor: It is a rare disease, caused by a lack of protein. Its cure has been easy, until the blockading of Biafra.

The worst sufferers there were the children of refugees, driven from their homes, then driven off the roads and into the bush by MIGs and armored columns. The Biafrans weren't jungle people. They were village people—farmers and professionals and clerks and businessmen. They had no weapons to hunt with. Back in the bush, they fed their children whatever roots and fruit they were lucky enough to find. At the end, a very common diet was water and thin air. So the children came down with kwashiorkor, no longer a rare disease. The child's hair turned red. His skin split like the skin of a ripe tomato. His rectum protruded. His arms and legs were like lollipop sticks.

Vance and Miriam and I waded through shoals of children like those at Awo-Omama. We discovered that if we let our hands dangle down among the children, a child would grasp each finger or thumb—five children to a hand. A finger from a stranger, miraculously, would allow a child to stop crying for a while.

A MIG came over, fired a few rounds, didn't hit anything this time, though the hospital had been hit often before. Our guide guessed that the pilot was an Egyptian or an East German.

I asked a Biafran nurse what sort of supplies the hospital was most in need of.

Her answer: "Food."

Biafra had a George Washington — for three Christmases and a little bit more. He was and is Odumegwu Ojukwu. Like George Washington, General Ojukwu was one of the most prosperous men of his place and time. He was a graduate of Sandhurst, Britain's West Point. The three of us spent an hour with him. He shook our hands at the end. He thanked us for coming. "If we go forward, we die," he said. "If we go backward, we die. So we go forward." He was ten years younger than Vance and me. I found him perfectly enchanting. Many people mock him now. They think he should have died with his troops.

Maybe so.

If he had died, he would have been one more corpse in millions.

He was a calm, heavy man when we met him. He chainsmoked. Cigarettes were worth a blue million in Biafra. He wore a camouflage jacket, though he was sitting in a cool living room in a velveteen easy chair. "I should warn you," he said, "we are in range of their artillery." His humor was gallows humor, since everything was falling apart around his charisma and air of quiet confidence. His humor was superb. Later, when we met his second-in-command, General Philip Effiong, he, too, turned out to be a gallows humorist. Vance said this: "Effiong should be the Number two man. He's the second funniest man in Biafra."

Jokes.

Miriam was annoyed by my conversation at one point, and she said scornfully, "You won't open your mouth unless you can make a joke." It was true. Joking was my response to misery I couldn't do anything about. The jokes of Ojukwu and Effiong had to do with the crime for which the Biafrans were being punished so hideously by so many nations. The crime: They were attempting to become a nation themselves. "They call us a dot on the map," said General Ojukwu, "and nobody's sure quite where." Inside that dot were 700 lawyers, 500 physicians, 300 engineers, 8 million poets, 2 novelists of the first rank, and God only knows what else -- about one-third of all the black intellectuals in Africa. Some dot. Those intellectuals had once fanned out all over Nigeria, where they had been envied and lynched and massacred. So they retreated to their homeland, to the dot. The dot has now vanished. Hey, presto.

When we met General Ojukwu, his soldiers were going into battle with thirty-five rounds of rifle ammunition. There was no more where that came from. For weeks before that, they had been living on one cup of gari a day. The recipe for gari is this: Add water to pulverized cassava root. Now the soldiers didn't even have gari anymore. General Ojukwu described a typical Nigerian attack for us: "They pound a position with artillery for twenty-four hours, then they send forward one armored car. If anybody shoots at it, it retreats, and another twenty-four hours of bombardment begins. When the infantry moves forward, they drive a screen of refugees before them."

We asked him what was becoming of the refugees now in Nigerian hands. He had no jokes on this subject. He said leadenly that the men, women, and children were formed into three groups, which were led away separately. "Your guess is as good as mine," he said, "as to what happens after that," and he paused. Then he finished the sentence: "To the men and the women and the children." We were given private rooms and baths in what had been a teachers' college in Owerri, the capital of Biafra. The town had been captured by the Nigerians, and then, in the one great Biafran victory of the war, recaptured by the Biafrans. We were taken to a training camp near Owerri. The soldiers had no live ammunition. In mock attacks, the riflemen shouted, "Bang!" The machine gunners shouted, "Bup-bup-bup!"And the officer who showed us around, also a graduate of Sandhurst, said, "There wouldn't be all this fuss, you know, if it weren't for the petroleum." He was speaking of the vast oil field beneath our feet. We asked him who owned the oil, and I expected him to say ringingly that it was the property of the Biafran people now. But he didn't.

"We never nationalized it," he said. "It still belongs to British Petroleum and Shell." He wasn't bitter. I never met a bitter Biafran. General Ojukwu gave us a clue, I think, as to why the Biafrans were able to endure so much so long without bitterness: They all had the emotional and spiritual strength that an enormous family can give. We asked the general to tell us about his family, and he answered that it was three thousand members strong. He knew every member of it by face, by name, and by reputation. A more typical Biafran family might consist of a few hundred souls. And there were no orphanages, no old people's homes, no public charities and, early in the war, there weren't even schemes for taking care of refugees. The families took care of their own, perfectly naturally. The families were rooted in land. There was no Biafran so poor that he did not own a garden.

Lovely.

Families met often, men and women alike, to vote on family matters. When war came, there was no conscription. The families decided who should go. In happier times, the families voted on who should go to college to study what and where. Then everybody chipped in for clothes and transportation and tuition. The first person from the area to be sponsored by his family all the way through graduate school was a physician, who received his doctor's degree in 1938. Thus began a mania for higher education of all kinds. This mania probably did more to doom the Biafrans than any quantity of petroleum. When Nigeria became a nation in 1960, formed from two British colonies, Biafra was part of it----and Biafrans got the best jobs in industry and the civil service and the hospitals and the schools, because they were so well educated. They were hated for that—perfectly naturally. It was peaceful in Owerri at first. It took us a few days to catch on: Not only Owerri but all of Biafra was about to fall. Even as we arrived, government offices nearby were preparing to move. I learned something: Capitals can fall almost silently. Nobody warned us. Everybody we talked to smiled. And the smile we saw most frequently belonged to Dr. B. N. Unachukwu, the chief of protocol in the Ministry of Affairs. Think of that: Biafra was so poor in allies at the end that the chief of protocol had nothing better to do than woo two novelists and an English teacher, He made lists of appointments we had with ministers and writers and educators and so on. He sent around a car each morning, with a chauffeur and guide. And then we caught on: His smile and everybody's smile was becoming slightly sicker with each passing day. On our fifth day in Biafra, there was no Dr. Unachukwu, no chauffeur, and no guide.

We waited and waited on our porches. Chinua Achebe, the young novelist, came by. We asked him if he had any news. He said he didn't listen to news anymore. He didn't smile. He seemed to be listening to something melancholy and maybe beautiful, far far away. I had a novel of his, Things Fall Apart He autographed it for me. "I would invite you to my house," he said, "but we don't have anything." A truck went by, loaded with office furniture. All the trucks had names painted on their sides. The name of that one was Slow to Anger. "There must be some news," I insisted.

"News?" he echoed. He thought. Then he said dreamily, "They have just found a mass grave outside the prison wall." There had been a rumor, he explained, that the Nigerians had shot a lot of civilians while they'd held Owerri. Now the graves had been found. "Graves," said Chinua Achebe. He found them uninteresting.

"What are you writing now?" said Miriam.

"Writing?" he said. It was obvious that he wasn't writing anything, that he was simply waiting for the end. "A dirge in Ibo," he said. Ibo was his native tongue.

An extraordinarily pretty girl named Rosemary Egonsu Ezirim came over to introduce herself. She was a zoologist. She had been working on a project that hoped to turn the streams into fish hatcheries. "The project has been suspended temporarily," she said, "so I am writing poems."

"All projects have been suspended temporarily," said Chinua, "so we are all writing poems."

Leonard Hall, of the Manchester Guardian, stopped by. He said, "You know, the closest parallel to what Biafra is going through was the Jews in the Warsaw ghetto." He was right. The Jews of Warsaw understood that they were going to get killed, no matter what they did, so they died fighting.

The Biafrans kept telling the outside world that Nigeria wanted to kill them all, but the outside world was unimpressed.

"It's hard to prove genocide," said Hall. "If some Biafrans survive, then genocide hasn't been committed. If no Biafrans survive, who will complain?"

A male refugee came up to us, rubbed his belly with one hand, begged with the other. He rolled his eyes.

"No chop," we said. That meant, "No food." That was what one said to beggars. Then a healthy girl offered us a quart of honey for three pounds., As I've already said, the economy was free enterprise to the end.

It was a lazy day.

We asked Rosemary about a round, bright-orange button she was wearing. "Daughters of Biafra," it said. "Wake! March!" In the middle was a picture of a rifle.

Rosemary explained that Daughters of Biafra supported the troops in various ways, comforted the wounded, and practiced guerrilla warfare. "We go up into the front lines when we can," she said. "We bring the men small presents. If they haven't been doing well, we scold them, and they promise to do better. We tell them that they will know when things are really bad, because the women will come into the trenches to fight. Women are much stronger and braver than men."

Maybe so.

"Chinua, what can we send you when we get back home?" said Vance.

And Chinua said, "Books."

"Rosemary," I said, "where do you live?"

"In a dormitory room not far from here. Would you like to see it?" she said.

So Vance and I walked over there with her, to stretch our legs. On the way, we marveled at a squash court built of cement block—built, no doubt, in colonial times. It had been turned into a Swiss cheese by armor-piercing cannon shells. There was a naked child in the doorway, and her hair was red. She seemed very sleepy, and the light hurt her eyes.

"Hello, Father," she said.

All of Owerri seemed out for a walk on either side of the street in single file. The files moved in opposite directions and circulated about the town. There was no place in particular for most of us to go. We were simply the restless center of the dot on the map called Biafra, and the dot, was growing smaller all the time.

We strolled past a row of neat bungalows. Civil servants lived there. Each house had a car out front, a VW, an Opel, a Peugeot.

There was plenty of gasoline, because the Biafrans had built cunning refineries in the bush. There weren't many storage batteries, though. Most private cars had to be started by pushing.

Outside one bungalow was an Opel station wagon with its back full of parcels and with a bed and a baby carriage tied on top. The man of the house was testing the knots he'd tied, while his wife stood by with the baby in her arms. They were going on a family trip to nowhere. We gave them a push.

A soldier awarded Vance and me a salute and a dazzling smile. "Comment ça pa?" he said. He supposed we were Frenchmen. He liked us for that. France had slipped a few weapons to Biafra. So had Rhodesia and South Africa, and so had Israel, I suspect.

"We will accept help from anyone," General Ojukwu told us, "no matter what their reasons are for giving it. Wouldn't you?"

Rosemary lived in a twelve-by-twelve dormitory room with her five younger brothers and sisters, who had come to see her over the Christmas holidays. Rosemary and her seventeen-year-old sister had the bed. The rest slept on mats on the floor, and everybody was having an awfully good time.

There was plenty to eat. There were about twenty pounds of yams piled on the windowsill. There was a quart of palm oil for frying yams. Palm oil, incidentally, was one of two commodities that had induced white men to colonize the area so long ago. The other commodity was even more valuable than palm oil. It was human slaves.

Think of that: slaves.

We asked Rosemary's sister how long it took her to fix her hair and whether she could do it without assistance. She had about fourteen pigtails sticking straight out from her head. Not only that, but her scalp was crisscrossed by bare strips, which formed diamonds—strips around the hair in the pigtails. Her head was splendidly complicated, like a Russian Easter egg.

"Oh, no, I could never do it alone," she said. Her relatives did it for her every morning. It took them an hour, she said.

Relatives.

She was an innocent, pretty dumpling in a metropolis for the first time. Her village hadn't been overrun yet. Her big, cozy family hadn't been scattered to the winds. There were peace and plenty there.

"I think we must be the luckiest people in Biafra," she said.

Rosemary's sister still had her baby fat.

And now, as I write, I hear from my radio that there was a lot of raping when the Nigerian army came through, that one woman who resisted was drenched with gasoline and then set on fire.

I have cried only once about Biafra. I did it three days after I got home, at two o'clock in the morning. I made grotesque little barking sounds for about a minute and a half, and that was that.

Miriam tells me that she hasn't cried yet. She's tough about the ways of the world.

Vance cried at least once, while we were still in Biafra. When little children took hold of his fingers and stopped crying, Vance burst into tears.

Wounded soldiers were living in Rosemary's dormitory, too. As I left her room, I tripped on her doorsill, and a wounded soldier in the corridor said brightly, "Sorry, sah" This was a form of politeness I had never encountered outside Biafra. Whenever I did something clumsy or unlucky, a Biafran was sure to say that: "Sorry, sah!" He would be genuinely sorry. He was on my side, and against a bloody trapped universe.

Vance came into the corridor, dropped the lens cap of his camera. "Sorry, sah! said the soldier again, We asked him if life has been terrible at the front. "Yes, sah!"he said. "But you remind yourself that you are a brave Biafran soldier, sah, and you stay."

A dinner party was given in our honor that night by Dr. Ifegwu Eke, the commissioner for education, and his wife. They had been married four days. He had a doctor's degree from Harvard. She had a doctor's degree from Columbia. There were five other guests. They all had doctor' degrees. We were inside a bungalow. The draperies were drawn.

There was a Danish modern sideboard on which primitive African carvings were displayed. There was a stereo phonic phonograph as big as a boxcar. It was playing the music of Mantovani. One of the syrupy melodies, remember, was "Born Free."

There were canapes. There was a sip of brandy to loosen our tongues. There was a buffet dinner, which included bits of meat from a small native antelope. It was dreadful in the way so many parties are dreadful: Everybody talked about everything except what was really on his mind.

The guest to my right was Dr. S. I. S. Cookey, who had taken his degree at Oxford and who was now provincial administrator for Opobo Province. He was exhausted. His eyes were red. Opobo Province had fallen to the Nigerians months ago. Others were chatting prettily, so I ransacked my mind for items that might encourage Dr. Cookey and me to bubble, too. But all I could think of were gruesome realities of the most immediate sort. It occurred to me to ask him, for instance, if there was a chance that one thing that had killed so many Biafrans was the arrogance of Biafra's intellectuals. My mind was eager to ask him, too, if I had been a fool to be charmed by General Ojukwu. Was he yet another great leader who would never surrender, who became holier and more radiant as his people died for him?

So I turned to cement. I remained cement through the rest of the evening, and so did Dr. Cookey; Vance and Miriam and I had a drink in Miriam's room after the party. Owerri's diesel generator had gone off for the night, so we lit a candle.

Miriam commented on my behavior at the party.

"I'm sorry," I said. "I didn't come to Biafra for canapes.

What did we eat in Biafra? As guests of the government, we had meat and yams and soups and fruit. It was embarrassing. Whenever we told a cadaverous beggar "No chop," it wasn't really true. We had plenty of chop, but it was all m our bellies. There was a knock on Miriam's door that night. Three men came in. We were astonished. One of them was General Philip Effiong, the second funniest man in Biafra. He had a tremblingly devoted aide with him, who saluted him ten times a minute, though the general begged him not to. The third man was a suave and dapper civilian in white pants and sandals and a crimson dashiki. He was Mike Ikenze, personal press secretary to General Ojukwu.

The young general was boisterous, wry, swashbuckling, high as a kite on incredibly awful news from the fronts. Why did he come to see us? Here is my guess: He couldn't tell his own people how bad things were, and he had somebody. We were the only foreigners around. He talked for three hours. The Nigerians had broken through everywhere. They were fanning out fast, slicing the Biafran dot into dozens of littler ones. Inside some of these littler dots, hiding in the bush, were tens of sands of Biafrans who had not eaten anything for weeks and more. What had become of the brave Biafran soldiers? They were woozy with hunger. They were palsied by shock. They had left their holes. They were wandering.

General Effiong threw up his hands. "It's over!" he cried, and he gave a laugh that was ghoulish and broken.

He was wrong, of course. The world is about as un-shockable as a self-sealing gas tank.

We didn't hear guns until the next afternoon. At five o'clock sharp there were four quick peals of thunder to the south. The thunder was manmade. No shells came our way.

The birds stopped talking. Five minutes went by, and they began talking again.'

The government offices were all empty. So were the bungalows. We were waiting for Dr. Unachukwu to take us to Uli Airport, the only way out. The common people had stayed to the last, buying and selling and begging— doing each other's hair.

They, too, stopped talking when they heard the guns. We could see many of them from our porches. They did not start talking again. They gathered together their property, which they put on their heads. They walked out of Owerri wordlessly, away from the guns.

Dr. Unachukwu, our official host, did not come, and did not call. It was spooky in Owerri. We were now the only people there. We didn't hear the guns again. Their words to the wise were sufficient.

Owerri's diesel generator was still running. That was another thing I learned about a city falling silently: To fool the enemy for a little while, you leave the lights on.

Dr. Unachukwu came. He was frantic to be on his way, but he smiled and smiled. He was at the wheel of his own Mercedes. The back of it was crammed with boxes and suitcases. On top of the freight lay his eight year-old son.

I have written all this quickly. I find that I have betrayed my promise to speak of the greatness rather than the pitifulness of the Biafran people. I have mourned the children copiously. I have told of a woman who was drenched in gasoline.

As for national greatness: It is probably true that all nations are great and even holy at the time of death.

The Biafrans had never fought before. They fought well this time. They will never fight again.

They will never play Finlandia on an ancient marimba again.

Peace.

My neighbors ask me what they can do for Biafra at this late date, or what they should have done for Biafra at some earlier date.

I tell them this: "Nothing. It was and is an internal Nigerian matter, which you can merely deplore."

Some wonder whether they, in order to be up to date, should hate Nigerians now.

I tell them, "no."

by Kurt Vonnegut


Biafrans have been reacting to the bombardment of their land, which is currently being carried out by Nigerian armed forces that struck on Wednesday, June 17 2015, with an air, land and sea bombardment of Calabar villages in Cross River State.
The Biafra Times investigation revealed that many innocent civilians, women and children, who were going about their normal, daily businesses, have been killed in the scotched-earth bombardment by Nigerian forces under the guise of fighting kidnappers.
Reports showed that the order for the scotched earth bombardment was given by Air Vice-Marshall Adeola Amosu of the Nigerian Airforce, who was leading the attack.

Biafrans react
Biafrans have been condemning the three days bombardment as scores are being killed who knew nothing about kidnapping and kidnappers. For this reason, many Biafrans are taking the attack, not only as a scotched-earth action; not only as a provocative act against Calabar people in particular and the entire Biafrans in general; but also as a declaration of war on Biafra and its people.
A cross section of callers during Radio Biafra broadcast of Friday, June 19, condemned the action and called on all Biafrans to stand up behind their brothers, the Cross River State people.
Nnamdi Kanu, who is the leader of Biafra and commander of her forces, who was anchoring the broadcast, said he was cutting short his tour of some countries of the world, where he hoped to obtain their support, to get back home within days.

He told listeners that he would be on ground to command the forces against Nigeria. He told Biafran volunteer soldiers on ground in Biafraland to be on red alert as he was coming back to lead them in battle.
He argued that Boko Haram has been bombing killing and taking territories from Nigeria and that Muhammadu Buhari (who he calls a terrorist and pedophile) has not found it expedient to bomb them. Kanu then wondered why Buhari would send his soldiers to one of the most peaceful parts of Biafraland – Calabar – to perpetrate his bombing evil.

Yoruba betrayal
On another plank, Kanu considered it another act of betrayal of Southern brotherhood by Yoruba people, as a Yoruba man leads the battle in the murder of innocent Biafrans, children and women inclusive.
He used the opportunity to give the order that the leader of Deeper Christian Life Ministries, William Kumuyi, who was preparing to hold a crusade in Aba, Abia State, must be stopped. The crusade is to hold on Tuesday, June 30, but Kanu ordered Biafrans to remove all his posters found anywhere in Biafraland. He said the crusade would never hold, unless the preacher condemns the act by the Nigerian forces being led by his fellow Yoruba man.
Kanu advised Kumuyi to go to Yorubaland to preach to his people, whose population he said was half Muslim, and that his preaching was not needed in Biafraland where there are 100 per cent Christians.

British government
Kanu also took time to tell his audience that he was not surprised that the bombardment was coming few weeks after Britain sent its top military officers to debrief Nigerian forces. He told the world to take note that British government has started with its shenanigans in Biafraland once again. He reminded the world how British government aided Nigeria from 1967 to 1970, to perpetrate a genocide in Biafraland in which more than four million Biafrans died.
He therefore told the world to restrain the British government from meddling in the affairs of Biafrans by using its Nigerian stooges to destroy Biafran lives. He told the British that Biafran ancestors committed no offence by welcoming them into their lands with open arms. 

MKRdezign

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